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WORKER-TO-WORKER COMMUNICATIONS


⏩ WORKER-TO-WORKER COMMUNICATIONS


Computer networks, satellite transponders, e-mail, Web pages, mobile devices, and fax machines have enabled labor organizations to expand their communications capabilities internally, inter-organizationally, and toward the wider realm of the public. The ability of electronic technologies to travel instantaneously, transcend physical space, duplicate infinitely, and share information globally has been a tremendous boon for the ability of workers to communicate with other workers, whether they are in the next cubicle or across the globe. Instantaneous communications among individuals as well as large groups can help to bypass official channels of corporate or state censorship, disseminating information to interested parties around the world. Computer networks help ameliorate the bottleneck presented by older, established forms of media such as broadcast television and radio, in that any site on the network can send as well as receive. One disadvantage of electronic communication is of course, the lack of computers, technology, and infrastructure, such as adequate phone lines, in many parts of the world. This, however, is not as significant a problem as is assumed, as labor communications are primarily horizontal communications, between organizations and movements, and while individual members might not have computer access, grassroots organizations often do. The distinction should be made that labor communications is primarily horizontal communication between individuals affiliated with organizations and institutions, not only between private citizens or from a media group to the public. This is an important difference, particularly when dealing with communications technologies, which are often too expensive or too technologically complex for many people to utilize on an individual level, but may be accessible for those affiliated with an organization. Furthermore, the migration of media platforms to cellular and other handheld consumer devices has greatly increased the availability of such communications. Thus, the developers of new labor communications tend to be influenced by the tenets of appropriate technology, taking into consideration logistical, technical, or economic limitations with the use of certain technologies. New forms of horizontal communications offer the possibility of greater democratic participation in labor union members’ message and information sharing. Communications can flow between members as easily as between offices and organizations, in a nonhierarchical fashion, allowing entire memberships, not just leaders, to communicate with one another. Socialnetworking applications make this goal much more feasible, allowing for increased personal participation and thus a stronger sense of membership and purpose. In some cases, these have helped memberships become more deeply involved in union affairs.

THE REVOLT OF THE RANK AND FILE


It is important to realize that the US labor movement is not a monolith; it is often fractured into numerous factions and tendencies. One of the most significant occurrences in the labor movement within the last few decades has been the rise of union reform movements, built by rank-and-file members who seek to revitalize and democratize unions saddled with bureaucracies grown complacent or corrupt over the years. In fact, many of the recent changes in the AFL-CIO and other federations are a direct result of battles between traditionalists and reformers. The challenge union reformers face is heightened by the unrestrained attacks on union organizations led by corporations in recent years and by the massive export of union jobs overseas. New communications technologies have created certain advantages for strengthening a union but can also have the side effect of illuminating a lack of democracy, poor representation, or a lack of transparency within the labor organization. Labor activists shoulder the double burden of maintaining decent working conditions while also struggling against their own entrenched leadership, which is often threatened by change. It is often within the membership of these rank-and-file movements that many of the most committed and active union members were formed. From the 1970s onward, union reform organizations—such as Teamsters for a Democratic Union, Miners for Democracy, Ed Sadlowski and Steelworkers Fight Back in the Steelworkers Union, and New Directions (in the United Auto Workers Union)—have had various degrees of victory and success, ranging from defeating bad contracts to electing an international president. In any case, these reform efforts helped create a new generation of labor activists who brought a more vital vision of a modern, global labor movement. With a fresh urgency brought by the pressures of globalization and access to new communications tools, these labor activists contributed to the formation of new types of unions that fuse concepts of community organizing, new social movement activism, and traditional industrial unionism. 

In the 1990s, groups such as Justice for Janitors, La Mujer Obrera, the Farm Labor Organizing Committee, the Black Workers for Justice, the United Farm Workers, the Asian Immigrant Workers Association, and the Toronto Homeworkers Association developed new strategies for responding to the difficulties faced by labor. The ability of decentralized communications to undermine traditional authority is shaking the foundations of traditional union bureaucracies, as its two-way/interactive capacity can serve to bypass the authority of union leadership. This can be extremely effective in strengthening the solidarity of the rank and file of a union, as well as bridging the gap between workers of different unions and of different countries. Democratic means of communicating among union membership can often be perceived as a threat by an incumbent union leadership out of touch with the rank and file. Some union leaders prefer that new communications be used for transferring orders from the international officers to the local leadership rather than be used by rank-and-file workers to stimulate debate or establish contacts with workers in other countries. A more open, democratic communication infrastructure allows greater interchange among union member reformers in many different unions, as well as in many different countries. E-mail has helped to organize different insurgent caucuses in many different unions; listservs keep interested workers current on newly breaking information; databases offer newly researched findings; concerns of the rank and file are published on Web sites. Electronic networks help reform-minded union members to collaborate in writing newsletters and keeping an often geographically dispersed membership in touch. Web sites help to reach new converts to union reform and can serve as public fronts for reform organizations. This is not to suggest that the only union reform activity is at the rankand-file level. There are often situations where the international leadership may be more in tune with the rank and file than the local leadership. For example, Teamster reformers who have worked at the level of the international office have found electronic networks useful to reach the membership directly, bypassing the local leadership who may still be under the control of older, corrupt Teamster elements. Sometimes the independent media activity of workers is not oppositional but more social in nature. An independent network of union members interested in collecting labor movement pins and paraphernalia exists among workers of many unions. Some workers have built their own Web pages to share their own views on their working lives and to build a sense of camaraderie. Cookbooks have proven to be quite popular on the Web sites of union members. The innovative use of communications by rank-and-file workers is an important indication that unions can gain tremendously by increasing the involvement of the members. Indeed, many union activists believe that the only way unions will survive is by democratizing and unleashing the power of the rank-and-file workers. Many activists see the present leadership structure as too bureaucratic, too constrained by old paradigms of business unionism, and too rigid to adapt to quickly changing circumstances. Labor activists believe these changes must be more than simply structural adjustments in the bureaucracy but should lead to a radically different labor movement, one that is organized and led by the working millions, not highpaid, “professional” labor leadership. To many, the modern labor movement needs to review the lessons learned during the 1930s. According to one organizer interviewed for this research,

Problems of scale and mass approach by unions is one that is only going to be solved by the massive participation of workers and union members [sic]. And if you look back at our history, as a movement back to the 1930s and 1920s, and at the times when the labor movement really did grow by leaps and bounds, it was because ordinary working people carried the load. They did the work of organizing unions. The CIO didn’t get organized because they had thousands of organizers out there in the field, it was because workers themselves did it. That’s the problem that the labor movement has to answer, how to do that under the conditions of today.


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